William T. Rowe. Hankow: Conflict and Community in a
In
the second part of his masterful two-volume study of Hankow, William Rowe
continues his quest to complicate our understanding of late imperial
Central
to his analysis is social conflict. In
comparing Hankow to comparably developed cities of pre-modern Europe, Rowe is
struck by the relative lack of large-scale social conflict in Hankow. The answer as to why, he argues, “was the
compelling strength of the Chinese urban community” (p.6). Following a wonderfully detailed description
of city people, urban space, and neighborhood layouts, the book launches into
its two part examination of community building institutions, and a description
of how various conflicts arose only to be extinguished by largely local
efforts. Rowe illuminates the
development of urban elite activism in Hankow as it related to the creation of
new, non-governmental institutions like benevolent halls, which fostered
community solidarity. Such an
institution, he finds, “represented the triumph of local societal initiative in
public welfare” (p.127). Indeed, Rowe
goes so far as to label such extrabureaucratic action evidence of a rising
“public sphere” (p.183-186). Subsequent
chapters focus on conflict and its role in the development of such
institutions. Heavily influenced by
Georg Simmel’s definitions of community, Rowe’s strategy is to show the ways in
which community conflict reinforced a communal definition. He finds this true in conflicts against the
government in the case of the dragon boat festival, and against “outsiders” in
cases of rebellion.
There
are interesting parallels here with rural society. Rural communities often experienced a
heightened sense of “us versus them” when outside threats arose. Moreover it was often the elite which
organized action. What is unique to
Hankow and likely other cities, Rowe clearly shows, is the rise of new urban
institutions like benevolent halls and an early form of a professional police
force, staffed by locals for local protection.
Yet the book has problems. To be
sure, uncovering the formation of sentiments of urban community from late Qing
sources is extremely difficult. Leaving
behind the elite-founded institutions he focuses on for a moment, the reader is
left with a puzzling picture of cellular neighborhoods and a community divided
by native place and occupational distinctions.
Chapter Five, for example, opens with a series of cases of violence that
reflected such fissures. The dragon boat
races represented conflict along these lines, and the link remains blurry as to
the mechanics of Rowe’s conclusion that “intergroup contention in Hankow was
itself a key form of social integration” (p.206). What is apparent is that Hankow elites,
through new institutions, developed new claims to power somewhat free from the
state. The degree to which the majority
of Hankow’s population saw this as exemplary of a new sense of community needs
further elaboration.
Despite
minor shortcomings the study remains a watershed for the study of late Qing
cities. In terms of the details covered,
sources marshaled, and issues tackled, the book presents a formidable raising
of the bar for future urban historians to follow. In their respective reviews of the book,
Linda Cook Johnson and Keith Schoppa have nothing but praise to offer. Both are extremely excited by Rowe’s
comparisons with Europe and the future possibilities such an approach might
offer (Pacific Affairs 63.3:387-388, The American Historical Review
96.1:230-231, respectively). With
hindsight, this proved to be a dangerous path to follow, as the subsequent “public
sphere” debates in the China field demonstrated. Nevertheless the study successfully frees
future urban historians from the trappings of previous theoretical shortcomings
dealing with urban development in China.
Christian
Hess
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Copyright 2002. All Rights Reserved.