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Yue Daiyun and Carolyn Wakeman. To the Storm: the Odyssey of a
Revolutionary Chinese Woman.
To the Storm is a poem that Yue Daiyun wrote in the spring of
1957, expressing her premonition of more turmoil to come. Yue, a party member with an impeccable record,
“had little to fear (Croll: 494)”: “I welcomed the approaching tempest because
it would rouse people…it will cleanse and renew everything, even my own heart,
my soul, my will (xii).” However, the over
twenty years (1957-1979) of turmoil was beyond her expectation. She, the devoted party secretary of the
Chinese Literature department in Beida became a rightist and her husband; a
young promising philosophy professor became a major enemy of the people. In her visit to
One of the major themes in Yue’s recount is how she tried to survive
and to fulfill her responsibility as a mother.
Yue always try to look at the good parts of things. The boring labor life, in the eyes of Yue
Daiyun, was fun. She enjoyed the job of
feeding two pigs (81), making bricks (259), and even the dance of loyalty (209). This ability to feel the simple happiness of
life gave Yue the strength to face difficulties. No matter how hard, she never gave up
fighting to preserve her family and to gain her children a better
education. Here we see a woman full of
spirit and courage.
Another main theme is her striving to keep faith in the CCP. As Yue herself said, politics was the biggest
part of her life. After all of the encounters
with pain and hardship, she indeed had doubts and disillusionment in Party and
its policies; especially in the Lin Biao incident and the 1976’s Tiananmen Incident. However, the idealism of Yue was never
extinguished. In the most despairing
moment, she used surgery as a metaphor for the revolution that “it is
inevitable for some healthy tissue to be excised along with a cancerous growth
(248).” Yue, being the healthy tissue, was
cut; but she believes that this is her way to sacrifice for the revolution. As a party member, Yue was always trying to
follow the party line: whenever the Party sent down a new work team, the Workers’
Propaganda Team, or the PLA, Yue was always filled with hope and enthusiasm, though
every time her hopes were dashed. On
cannot stop wondering what gave her the faith in the party line and what holds
her back to criticize the Party.
Certainly, the party line, i.e., “revolution”, had its
justification. As Yue Daiyun herself
observed, there were a lot of bad elements and corruption under the socialist
system that needed to be got rid of them.
In the Anti-rightist movement, Yue was extremely violated by the “anti-revolutionary
comments”; and in the Four cleans movement, she found that there were local cadres
who embezzled the communal fund and oppress the peasants. After visiting the countryside and realizing
the huge gap between the city and the countryside, she believed that intellectuals
should learn from peasants and when the Proletarian Cultural Revolution began,
she sincerely supported it as a way to reeducate the new generation. However, when all the movement diverted to a
wrong direction and numerous people died from the so called revolution, Yue
Daiyun still lacked a critical dimension toward the party line. Why?
To a certain sense, Yue Daiyun was made by the Party, who gave her many
of her glories and determined her fate: Yue was active underground in the CP
Democratic Youth League and joined the Party before Liberation, she was a
delegate to the 2nd World Student Congress in Prague, the graduating
class representative, and later was selected to join the Beida faculty. In the Anti-rightists movement, though with personal
doubts, she gathered 5 people in her department as the rightists, following the
party line. Most striking is when her
husband, Lao Tang joined Liang Xiao, the glory that the contemporary party authority
gave to her family prevented Yue from thinking more critically—though felt
troubled, she was never resolute in exhorting Lao Tang to get out of Liang Xiao. As a party member, Yue refused to doubt the
intention of the party policy, the intension of the revolution and the intension
of Mao. She failed to think more
independently as an intellectual should have done.
In the end, thanks to Yue Daiyun’s honest recount, we understand much
better of this special group of revolutionary intellectuals and the operation
of Beida in the Communist China. Also, we
are aware of how the CCP trained the younger generation of Chinese
intellectuals during the thirty years after liberation—to let them be party
members first instead of independently thinking intellectuals.
Xiaowei Zheng
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